This is hugely significant because never before has there been an MoU with a regulatory agency and an NGO and the government for this to happen. InChinese cosmetics companies were exempted from mandatory animal testing.
Information was also gathered on minority ethnic groups, urban population, and marital status. The nation began preparing for the census in China boom Chinese census workers were sent to the United States and Japan to study modern China boom techniques and automation.
Computers were installed in every provincial-level unit except Tibet and were connected to a central processing system in the Beijing headquarters of the State Statistical Bureau.
Pretests and small scale trial runs were conducted and checked for accuracy between and in twenty-four provincial-level units. Census stations were opened in rural production brigades and urban neighborhoods.
Beginning on 1 Julyeach household sent a representative to a census station to be enumerated. The census required about a month to complete and employed approximately 5 million census takers. The census collected data in nineteen demographic categories relating to individuals and households.
The thirteen areas concerning individuals were name, relationship to head of household, sex, age, nationality, registration status, educational level, profession, occupation, status of nonworking persons, marital status, number of children born and still living, and number of births in The six items pertaining to households were type domestic or collectiveserial number, number of persons, number of births innumber of deaths inand number of registered persons absent for more than one year.
Information was gathered in a number of important areas for which previous data were either extremely inaccurate or simply nonexistent, including fertility, marital status, urban population, minority ethnic groups, sex composition, age distribution, and employment and unemployment.
A fundamental anomaly in the statistics was noted by some Western analysts. They pointed out that although the birth and death rates recorded by the census and those recorded through the household registration system were different, the two systems arrived at similar population totals.
The discrepancies in the vital rates were the result of the underreporting of both births and deaths to the authorities under the registration system; families would not report some births because of the one-child policy and would not report some deaths so as to hold on to the rations of the deceased.
Nevertheless, the census was a watershed for both Chinese and world demographics. After an eighteen-year gap, population specialists were given a wealth of reliable, up-to-date figures on which to reconstruct past demographic patterns, measure current population conditions, and predict future population trends.
For example, Chinese and foreign demographers used the census age-sex structure as the base population for forecasting and making assumptions about future fertility trends. The data on age-specific fertility and mortality rates provided the necessary base-line information for making population projections.
The census data also were useful for estimating future manpower potential, consumer needsand utilityenergy, and health-service requirements.
The sudden abundance of demographic data helped population specialists immeasurably in their efforts to estimate world population. But the liabilities of a large, rapidly growing population soon became apparent. These efforts, however, had little impact on fertility.
After the interval of the Great Leap ForwardChinese leaders again saw rapid population growth as an obstacle to development, and their interest in birth control revived. In the early s, schemes somewhat more muted than during the first campaign, emphasized the virtues of late marriage.
Birth control offices were set up in the central government and some provincial-level governments in The second campaign was particularly successful in the cities, where the birth rate was cut in half during the —66 period.
The upheaval of the Cultural Revolution brought the program to a halt, however. In and the party mobilized its resources for a nationwide birth control campaign administered by a group in the State Council.
Committees to oversee birth control activities were established at all administrative levels and in various collective enterprises. This extensive and seemingly effective network covered both the rural and the urban population.
In urban areas public security headquarters included population control sections. By Mao Zedong was personally identified with the family planning movement, signifying a greater leadership commitment to controlled population growth than ever before.
Population growth targets were set for both administrative units and individual families.
In the mids the maximum recommended family size was two children in cities and three or four in the country. Since the government has advocated a one-child limit for both rural and urban areas and has generally set a maximum of two children in special circumstances.
As of the policy for minority nationalities was two children per couple, three in special circumstances, and no limit for ethnic groups with very small populations. The overall goal of the one-child policy was to keep the total population within 1. The one-child policy was a highly ambitious population control program.
Like previous programs of the s and s, the one-child policy employed a combination of public education, social pressure, and in some cases coercion.
The one-child policy was unique, however, in that it linked reproduction with economic cost or benefit.China’s shale revolution has received a lot of press, but infrastructure challenges suggest that the Chinese shale gas takeover may still be years away.
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